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How Donald Trump seeks to reinvent conservatism

in 2017/Top Headlines by

Longtime observers of the conservative movement know that periodically movement conservatives are compelled to purge the more radical elements in the base.

William Buckley did so with the John Birch Society over a half century ago. More recently, the magazine Buckley founded, National Review, had a couple of issues dedicated to reading the radicals out of their movement, targeting opponents of the Iraq War in 1991 and again in the early part of the last decade.

These plays tended to be successful, galvanizing the mainstream conservative movement against the radicals on the side.

National Review decided to play again a few months back, with a cover emblazoned with the headline “Against Trump.” Contained within: polemic supporting that position.

What happened next? Trump steamrolled through southern primaries, and now has a strong lead in the delegate count.

National Review since has endorsed Ted Cruz, but Trump continues undeterred, with interviews on Infowars (the conspiracy-minded Alex Jones show) from him and his surrogates, and a stoking of the populist fire that reminds some observers of George Wallace and David Duke.

One of those surrogates that have been on Infowars, according to multiple reports: Senior Policy Advisor Stephen Miller, a trusted aide to Senator Jeff Sessions, who actually advised Trump to bring Miller aboard to help with Trump’s immigration policy.

Miller didn’t want to talk about Infowars. However, he had plenty to say about the changes Trump has made in conservative and Republican dialectic.

Our first question: with the rise of Trump, have the extremists finally taken over the conservative movement?

“Not at all,” Miller said. In fact, the ascension of Trump is the “reclamation” of the conservative movement, a “chance to wrest control from the oligarchy.”

Miller noted that during trips to DC, he asks Washington conservatives when the last time was that the Republican Party “fought as hard as it could for something donors opposed.”

Fast Track Trade authority, noted Miller, was pushed with “every single ounce of strength they had,” in contrast to GOP fecklessness in combating illegal immigration.

Miller noted, more than once, that many of those who “wear the mantle of movement conservatism” are “codependent” with the institutional forces behind the Trans Pacific Partnership and other deals.

“I’ve noticed that in Washington, DC, that line of separation between people who falsely wear the mantle of movement conservatism and the establishment” doesn’t exist.

And the professional conservatives, Miller added, are out of step with the average Republican voter or Reagan Democrat, whose “life doesn’t revolve around these summits in DC.”

“In the real world,” Miller added, “their factories are disappearing and their wages are going down.”

The conversation soon thereafter pivoted to a Trump Tweet from Saturday, which suggested that there might be early voting fraud in Florida.

“We are asking law enforcement to check for dishonest early voting in Florida- on behalf of little Marco Rubio,” Trump Tweeted. “No way to run a country!”

Was there evidence of such? Miller said no. However, Miller charged that Rubio has historical associations with “shady and questionable figures, including figures linked with voting fraud.”

From there, Miller launched into attacks on issues like “David Rivera,” “Rubio’s history of financial dealings” and “sweetheart deals,” all of which establish a pattern of “deeply unethical behavior.”

The conversation then turned to Trump’s policy positions, which Miller said were part of a larger platform “rooted deeply in conservatism,” yet adding to it, “that is going to win a national election,” focusing on issues like “immigration control and trade fairness, which are fundamentally conservative in nature.”

These issues, Miller said, will “draw in blue collar voters, Reagan Democrats, voters who have never been engaged” and who, prior to Trump, were “not receptive to Republican ideas.”

One such focus: the Trans-Pacific Partnership, “the most important trade pact of our lifetime,” one which would “incentivize offshoring” by “lowering barriers on our auto markets,” one which would be “devastating and ruinous” to Ohio’s automobile industry.

The much-discussed Trump call to “build a wall and have the Mexicans pay for it,” said Miller, could be financed via the trade deficit, which would “more than finance the wall.”

Miller asserted that Trump, contrary to media portrayal, has been clear about his policy positions, which presents a direct contrast to Senator Rubio, the “frontman for the 2 signature issues of the Obama legacy.”

“Rubio has lied repeatedly about policy,” Miller said about the “biggest champion of amnesty” in the Senate.

Rubio has “sold his political soul and American sovereignty to the highest bidder,” and in the process, has “lied to every single person in Florida.”

“Rubio says yes, takes the money, and pushes the policies. You name the corporation, the special interest,” Miller said.

“Florida voters are very aware of how Rubio has betrayed them,” Miller said, adding that “Rubio’s backers stand to profit immensely” from immigration amnesty.

On issues like trade, immigration, health care, and education, Miller claims that Rubio, “one of the most corrupt politicians in Washington” is “controlled by a small group of special interests.”

Perhaps because of that control, said Miller, “Rubio has been engaged in an onslaught against blue collar people.”

The same blue collar people that show up in the thousands to the Trump rallies that Rubio has expressed real worry about in recent days.

What does Miller think about the spectacle on America’s TV screens in recent days? To be sure, he sees it differently than the media and the Florida Senator do.

Rejecting what he called a “false moral equivalency” between Trump supporters and opponents, Miller depicted the outbreaks of violence at Trump campaign stops as a battle between “blue collar workers” who “follow the rules” and “anarchists and radicals… organized far left violent protesters attacking peaceful citizens and police.”

“The only people responsible for far left anarchists are far left anarchists and people mobilizing them,” Miller said tautologically. Their “violent, dangerous behavior” is in stark contrast to the “amazing, wonderful, patriotic citizens” who support Trump, who “gives hope to millions of people.”

Part of that hope, says Miller, rests in a return to a “national interest foreign policy,” as opposed to the current paradigm of “nation building and democracy spreading.”

An example of the differences between Trump and Rubio is on Syria, Miller notes. Trump would be willing to collaborate with Russia to “stamp out ISIS” by “fighting ISIS in partnership with regional allies. This realpolitik contrasts Rubio’s assertion that America should establish a No Fly Zone in Syria betrays a “willingness to shoot down Russian planes” and “start a hot war in Syria for the sake of nation building.”

Miller, and Trump, don’t believe gambits like that, which would start a “shooting war with Russia,” are something that “war weary voters” can support.

Rubio’s “foolhardy” and “fundamentally globalist” penchant for “regime building,” says Miller, is “outside of the Republican mainstream,” as well as that of American voters, who saw “nation building” and “de-Baathification” fail in Iraq.

“The only lessons Rubio learned from the Bush years,” Miller said, are that efforts toward nation building “didn’t go far enough.”

If one wants to take the long view of Trump’s appeal to Republicans, it’s that he has re-engaged a discourse in the party that really has persisted since the end of the Cold War. The populist positions of “Pitchfork Pat” Buchanan in the 1990s seem to be the framework for much of what Trump says today.

This critique of neo-liberal globalism is nothing new. What is new is the volume, the intensity, and the resonance with voters. And what is clear is that post-Trump, the Republican Party and the mainstream conservative movement necessarily will change.

What those changes end up looking like, of course, is ultimately an open question.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A.G. Gancarski has written a weekly column for Jacksonville’s Folio Weekly since 2003. His writings on politics, culture, and sport have appeared in the Washington Times, the Daily Caller, and the American Conservative. His radio and TV appearances include frequent contributions to WJCT-FM (Jacksonville’s Public Radio station); additionally, he has been a guest on Huff Post Live and the Savage Nation radio show. Gancarski can be reached at a.g.gancarski@gmail.com.

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